February 2, 2020
"GEOMANTIC MAGIC DURING THE YARLUNG DYNASTY: A LANDSCAPE ARCHAEOLOGY ASSESSMENT', text and photos by William F. Romain and also including photograph from Mikel Dunham's book "SAMYE".
Initially posted to academia.edu 1-31-2020
ABSTRACT
Historic documents indicate that during the Yarlung dynasty (AD 620–AD 842), Tibetan emperors employed geomantic and magical practices in the design and siting of important religious structures. Geomantic magic was used to control indigenous demons that inhabited the land thereby obstructing the introduction of Buddhism and the building of Buddhist temples and monasteries. In the present article the Jokhang and Tradruk temples and Samye monastery are assessed from a landscape archaeology perspective with the aim of identifying geomantic and magical practices in their design and layout. New findings are presented. to include sitings relative to dragon veins, the use of deadly feng shui arrows, and the suppression of demons using ritual phurbas, vajras, and magical mandalas. The demon suppressing methods discussed represent a blend of indigenous Tibetan magic combined with beliefs and practices from China and India. The result was a unique and powerful magico-religious tradition that endures even today.
In his classic book, Oracles and Demons of Tibet, Rene De Nebesky-Wojkowitz (1956) identified hundreds of Tibetan demons. Initially these demons obstructed the introduction of Buddhism into Tibet. Many are indigenous entities associated with local places such as lakes and mountains. Rather than destroying such demons, however, early Buddhist masters subdued and converted them to protectors of the new faith. They did this by magical and geomantic means. In this article, several Imperial-era structures important to Tibetan Buddhism are assessed for geomantic and magical operations. These structures are the Jokhang and Tradruk temples and Samye monastery. Assessments are made using Google Earth imagery with interpretations supported by ethnohistoric information to include ancient legends. The paper begins, however, with a brief explanation of terms important to the discussion and a short biographical sketch of Songtsen Gampo—the emperor responsible for building two of the three structures to be discussed. Geomantic assessments are then provided, followed by a brief discussion and concluding remarks.
Demons and Geomancy
It is beyond the scope of this paper to present a thorough explication concerning Tibetan demons or geomancy. Both subjects are exceedingly complex. There are, however, a couple of points important to what follows. With regard to Tibetan demons, for example, we begin with the observation that there are a considerable number of non-human beings in the universe of Tibetan Buddhism. Non-human beings can be considered as enlightened or non-enlightened. Enlightened deities can have both a benevolent and wrathful aspect. In their wrathful form these deities appear similar to demons. Figure 1, for example, shows Mahakala. Although fierce in countenance, however, Mahakala is not a demon; but rather, a wrathful form of Avalokiteśvara—an enlightened deity and bodhisattva of universal compassion.
Figure 1. Face of Mahakala, wrathful form of Avalokiteśvara, the bodhisattva of universal compassion. In this form the entity is a protective deity. Cast bronze (19 cm. x 21 cm.), author’s collection. Photo by author.
Non-enlightened entities can be described as “wandering through samsara in ignorance as intermediate beings [bar-do sems-can]” (Mumford 1989, 260, brackets in original). There are several kinds of non-enlightened beings. There are, for example, the klu (serpent deities), the btsan (powerful warrior spirits), and bdud (demons). Demons cause death, disease, and misfortune. There are hundreds, or even thousands of demons in the Tibetan universe. Classification schemes differ (e.g., Farkas and Szabo 2002; Nebesky-Wojkowitz 1956; Tucci 1980). Traditional texts sometimes refer to eight classes of gods and demons. Some of the better known demons include gshin-‘dre (evil spirits of dead persons), mamos (malevolent female entities that cause famines, plagues, and wars), gshed-ma (demons who kill by taking a person’s life force), srin po (ogre demons that eat human flesh), and srin mo (female version of srin po). Many demons manifest at specific places or are associated with certain kinds of landscape. For example, among the many demons that Guru Rinpoche subdued in his journey into Tibet were the “Lord of Plagues and Pestilence” in Osam, the “Dark Planetary Forces” on Targo, the “Lord of Water Pestilence” at Damtiktrak Rock, a “Vindictive Spiritual Lord of the Earth” at Changramukpo, and the “Devil of the Abyss” at Trasmosong (Dowman 1973, 83–85).
Not all non-enlightened entities are entirely or always malevolent. The chthonic serpent beings referred to as klu by Tibetans, or nagas in India, are capable of bringing either rain and fertility, or disease, destruction, and death. Many stories tell of klu being subdued and compelled to serve as protectors of the Dharma. Another example are the yul lhar. These are territorial deities associated with or manifested as specific mountains; although they can appear in multiple guises. If not propitiated with offerings or prayers, yul lhar can cause storms, flooding, rock falls, fires, and the deaths of livestock and people. When properly appeased or controlled, however, yul lhar can act as protector deities for a territory, village, or lineage (Pommaret 2004).
Although some demons can be persuaded from causing harm by supplication or offerings, the control of more stubborn ill-willed entities requires other measures. These range from blocking walls and mirrors to spells and magical symbols and effigies to capture, hold, or otherwise neutralize the demon. Perhaps the most dramatic demon- suppressing technique is the use of directed energy to subdue the demon. This technique is discussed in more detail below in connection the Samye monastery.
The term geomancy is often used to refer to a method of divination. Geomancy, however, can also refer to the practice of situating a temple or other structure in an auspicious, favorable, or harmonious location relative to celestial and/or terrestrial influences (Pennick 1979, 7; Romain 2017, 2018, 2019; Yoon 2006, The second meaning is the one used in the present paper.
Geomantic influences can be visible or invisible, imaginary or real. Influences can originate from the stars and planets, wind and water, mountains and caves, or other places and phenomena. Invisible influences can be exerted by spirits, demons, dragons, forces, or energies. Among the many techniques used to maximize auspicious effects or bring about geomantic harmony are directional orientation, inter-site alignments, siting relative to special locations, use of geometric shapes and other design elements having symbolic meaning. Architectural approaches based in geomantic understandings include Chinese feng shui and Hindu vastu shastra.
Geomantic beliefs and practices have long been a part of Tibetan culture. The pre- Buddhist Tibetan Bon religion incorporates many geomantic concepts (see e.g., Baumer 2002). Indeed, as explained by Tibetan scholar Martin Mills (2016, 1), “...Tibetan geomancy (or jungtsi, ‘counting the elements’) united the long-established indigenous worship of mountain gods with Chinese concepts of feng shui and Indian tantra to create a rich religious science of moral well-being, community prosperity, and auspicious rule.” Contemporaneous documentation concerning the influence of Chinese geomancy is suggested in the Tang Annals. According to the Yeshe De Project (1986, 218) “Tang annals note Srong-btsan-sgam-po [Songtsen Gampo – first emperor of Tibet] began cultural exchange with the Tang court and was very interested in obtaining ancient knowledge traditions for his country....Four especially learned Tibetans brought back five major texts on calculation techniques, an ancient science that traced back to Lao-tzu....the Chinese princess Kong-jo helped translate these texts.” The reference to “five major texts on calculation techniques” as “an ancient science that can be traced back to Lao-tzu” likely refers to Chinese feng shui, astrology, and I Ching divination manuals. The Old Tang Annals referenced above were written more or less contemporaneously with the later part of the Yarlung dynasty.
In Tibet, geomantic practices often merge into the realm of magic. Skinner (2017, 16) provides a useful definition of ‘magic’: “Magic is the art of causing change through the agency of spiritual creatures rather than via directly observable physical means: such spiritual creatures being compelled or persuaded to assist, by the use of sacred words or names, talismans, symbols, incense, sacrifices and material magica.” As I will demonstrate below, both geomantic and magical practices were used in the design and building of important Tibetan structures.
Songtsen Gampo (Wylie: Srong-btsan sGampo)
Scholars generally count 32 kings (mythical and real) before Songtsen Gampo (see e.g., Haarh 1969, 45–60). Songtsen Gampo (c. AD 605?–AD 649) was the first to unify the country—hence he is considered the first emperor. According to post-Yarlung Dynasty accounts (e.g., Mani Kabum; Wylie: ma Ni bka’ ‘bum)1, Songtsen Gampo was responsible for the promotion of Buddhism into Tibet. Toward this end he built the Jokhang, Tradruk and other temples. He also established the capital at Lhasa and residency at the Khritse Marpo palace, later expanded to become the Potala.
Songtsen Gampo reportedly had six consorts—four Tibetan, one Chinese and one Nepalese (Sørensen 1994, 302, n. 904). Two consorts are of special importance to the events related here. In AD 639 the emperor married Nepalese Princess Bhṛkutī (Tib.: Khri btsun, meaning ‘royal lady’). As part of her dowry the princess brought to Tibet the Jowo Mikyo Dorje—a statue of Shakyamuni Buddha at age 8, as well as Buddhist scriptures and Nepalese craftsmen.
In AD 641, to facilitate an alliance with the Tang Dynasty of China, the emperor also married Chinese Princess Kong jo (pinyin: Wénchéng Gōngzhū). Legends claim that as part of her dowry the Chinese princess brought to Tibet the Jowo Rinpoche—a statue of Shakyamuni Buddha at age 12.2 According to The Clear Mirror (Rgyal rabs gsal ba'i me long) (Sørensen 1994, 232)3 the princess also brought with her, “three hundred and sixty sections on Chinese divinatory science (gtsug lag)” and “A Chinese [geomantic] divination-chart in three hundred sections (rgya’I gab rtse gtsug lag sum brgya bo).”
Jokhang Temple (Wylie: gtsug-lag-khang) (29o 39’ 10.9” N x 91o 07’ 55.3” E)
The Jokhang temple (Figure 2) is situated in the heart of Lhasa. Built during the reign of Songtsen Gampo, it is considered the most sacred of all the temples in Tibet. The Clear Mirror (Sakyapa Sönam Gyaltsen (1996 [1368],174) recounts how Songtsen Gampo intentionally incorporated into the temple, design elements from multiple sources including Indian Buddhism and Bonpo. As I will demonstrate, the Buddhist contribution has clear connections to earlier Hindu beliefs and practices including vastu shastra. Additionally and given Princess Kong jo’s contributions, Chinese geomancy or feng shui can be added to the mix. This diversity of design elements will become important in what follows. Indeed, more generally, it is this blend that gives Tibetan Buddhism its unique character.
Figure 2. Jokhang Temple. View from second floor. Photo by author.
According to events related in the Mani Kabum (Trizin Tsering 2007, vol. 1, 449), The Clear Mirror (Sørensen 1994) and other texts, the Jokhang temple was situated using geomantic concepts. The founding story is known as the srin mo myth.
The age of the srin mo story is not known. Chronicles such as the Mani Kabum that record the story are often attributed to Songtsen Gampo. However, these documents were discovered and/or compiled centuries after Songtsen Gampo’s reign and are not contemporaneous with the building of the temple. There are also several versions of the story that differ in minor details. The end result is that, like so many other facets of Tibetan history, it is difficult to know how much of the srin mo story is based on historical fact, how much is based in oral tradition, and how much is the result of post-Yarlung dynasty writing intended to further a particular political or religious agenda (also see Tatz 1978).
That said, it seems likely that stories such as the srin mo legend have at least some basis in oral traditions that date back to the Yarlung dynasty. Sørensen (1994, 561) has this to say: “Needless to say, the above geomantic-divinatory expose is mythological in nature and in particular the numerous Buddhist elements point to a later date of compilation, perhaps even simultaneously with the final compilation of the Sringbtsan sgam-po Vita [Songtsen Gampo], i.e., at the beginning of the phyi-dar period. However, that this exposition draws on older material which in numerous ways would point to a date of origin in the dynastic period itself we should likewise assume to be beyond doubt.”
The srin mo story tells how the Nepalese princess Bhṛkutī was having difficulties building a temple for the Buddha statue she had brought from Nepal. Knowing of the newly arrived Chinese princess’s expertise in geomancy, the Nepalese princess, somewhat reluctantly, asked Princess Kong jo for advice. Princess Kong jo consulted her geomantic charts and gave the following reading:
I perceive that this Land of Snows, the kingdom of Tibet, is in the form
of an ogress lying upon her back. I perceive that the lake at Otang, the Plain of Milk, is the ogress’s heart-blood and that the three mountains are the bones of her heart. As this lake is directly above the ogress’s heart, it 8
will be necessary to fill it with soil and build a shrine upon it. (Sakyapa Sönam Gyaltsen (1996 [1368], 163).
(For a detailed translation see Sørensen 1994, 555–561.) Figure 3 shows how the demon is situated relative to Tibet.
Figure 3. The Demoness of Tibet (late 19th/early 20th century, pigments on cloth). Courtesy of the Rubin Museum of Art, image C2006.1.1. The Jokhang temple is built over the heart of the demoness. Annotation by author.
The story goes on to explain that the instructions given by the Chinese princess were confused by the handmaiden who delivered the message to Princess Bhṛkutī. Believing the information was wrong, the Nepalese princess disregarded the instructions and began construction of a temple at Ladong. What the Nepalese princess built during the day, however, was demolished by demons at night. In desperation the Nepalese princess turned for help to her husband, Songtsen Gampo. “That night, the king made supplications to his tutelary deity, and a ray of light shone forth from the heart of the image and was absorbed into the lake [Otang]” (Sakyapa Sönam Gyaltsen (1996 [1368], 166). The next day, the emperor and Princess Bhṛkutī went riding on horseback. The emperor instructed the princess to remove her ring and toss it in the air. Wherever the ring landed would be where they would build the temple. The ring landed in Lake Otang. Thereupon “She beheld in the water a nine-terraced stupa composed of various rays of light. Everything in the lake was connected by a web of light radiating out from it” (Sakyapa Sönam Gyaltsen (1996 [1368], 167).
Construction of the Jokhang temple began the next day. “An earth-dagger was positioned on each of the four sides of the lake, a great prayer flag was erected and prayers were offered....Sixteen long, thick trunks were cut from juniper trees. The lower end of each was placed on the great rocks on the four sides, while the upper ends rested on the self-created stone stupa in the center of the lake” (Sakyapa Sönam Gyaltsen (1996 [1368], 167).
Figure 4 presents the detail of a mural in the Jokhang temple showing the stupa at the center of the lake. The demons were not done, however. At a poison tree in Dawatsel, demons, ghosts, and ogres gathered for the purpose of calling down “frosts, hail and pestilence” on the emperor’s work (Sakyapa Sönam Gyaltsen 1996 [1368], 172). To overcome this Songtsen Gampo called upon wrathful protector deities who banished the demons. Songtsen Gampo then created one hundred and eight manifestations of himself and completed the construction. Thus the temple was built in twelve days (Sakyapa Sönam Gyaltsen 1996 [1368], 174).
Figure 4. Detail of mural in Jokhang temple showing how the foundation for the temple was laid out. (Unknown date.) Photo by author.
In addition to the demoness at Lake Otang, Princess Kong jo identified other malignant influences in the Lhasa area and provided geomantic measures to mitigate them (Sakyapa Sönam Gyaltsen 1996 [1368], 164-165; also see Mills 2007; Sørensen 1994, 253-261). These measures included erecting stupas on the Chagpori and Marpori hills in Lhasa. Depending on which version of the story one prefers, these hills are either the heart bones, breasts, or breasts and mons veneris of the demoness (see e.g., Sakyapa Sönam Gyaltsen 1996 [1368], 290; Dowman 1988, 284).
Concerning other malevolent forces, as recorded in The Clear Mirror (Sakyapa Sönam Gyaltsen 1996 [1368], 164), the princess advised:
In the southeast, there is a malign geomantic influence that resembles an ogress thrusting forth her vulva. This is Jangto Sengpug. Place an image of Vishnu [lingam] facing it. In the southwest is a malign influence that resembles a black scorpion lunging at its prey. This is Sharri, the eastern mountain of Yugmari. Place a keru eagle [garuda] facing it.
In the west is a malign geomantic influence that resembles a black fiend keeping watch. Place a stone stupa facing it....Thus all the nearer malign geomantic influences will be subdued.
The locations for the above-named mountains are not certain and texts differ even with regard to their general direction—cf., The Clear Mirror and Pillar Testament (Sørensen 1994, 253-263, 275-280, 553-560). Of interest, however, is that the above instructions reveal a particular geomantic method for suppressing malevolent forces. In this case, malign influences are controlled by situating counter measures so they face the obstructive locale. This differs from placing counter measures on top of offending entities. Indeed, Mills (2007, 19) distinguishes between the techniques referring to them as horizontal opposition and vertical suppression, respectively. Mills (2007, 19) defines horizontal opposition as “counterbalancing geomantic obstructions...by placing their ‘suppressors’ opposite them on a horizontal line of sight.” The technique clearly has precedent in the dualistic oppositions found, for example, in the Chinese Bagua or Pa Kuo and elsewhere. Horizontal opposition will figure prominently in the discussion below concerning the Tradruk temple.
An additional twelve temples were built by Songtsen Gampo across Tibet and into Bhutan to hold down the demon’s arms and legs. According to the Mani Kabum (Trizin Tsering 2007 [12th century], vol. 1, 457–458) there were four “district controller temples” (Tib. rug non gyi lha khang) to hold down the demon’s shoulders and hips; “four border- taming temples” (Tib. mtha’ ‘dul gyi gtsug lag khang) to restrain her elbows and knees; and four “further taming temples” (Tib. yang ‘dul gyi lha khang) to pin down the demon’s hands and feet. Traditional sources (e.g., the Mani Kabum, Butön, Sakyapa Sonam Gyaltsen) differ as to the names and locations of the temples. Based on the Mani Kabum (arguably as definitive as any of the other non-contemporaneous sources) Tibetologist Michael Aris (1979, Figure 1) has developed a schematic map showing the demon suppressing temples surrounding the Jokhang. Figure 5 shows his interpretation.
Figure 5. Schematic plan showing posited locations of demon suppressing temples. Drawing by the author, after Aris 1979, Figure 1; and Dorje 1999, 673.
What is interesting is that the three sets of four temples form a series of concentric zones around the Jokhang. Stein (1972, 39) and Aris (1979, 18) suggest that the idea of concentric zones surrounding the temple was derived from Chinese cosmological concepts. In Chinese belief, the emperor and imperial capital were situated at the center of a series of nested squares each representing less civilized zones extending out to the boundaries of the empire. The idea is consistent with the influence of Chinese geomantic concepts exerted by Princess Kong jo.
According to the srin mo story, the twelve temples restrain the demon by pinning her down at specific points. Additionally and from a geomantic point of view, however, the encircling zones can be interpreted as constricting the heart of the demon. In this interpretation the encircling zones constrain and tighten around the demon’s heart and life force, or qi—powerful geomantic magic at an unprecedented scale, if intentional.
While the influence of Chinese geomancy is noted for the siting of the Jokhang, the laying of a foundational grid across Lake Otang and design of the temple structure appear, in part, based in Indian concepts including Vedic mandala symbolism and in particular, the Vastupurusha mandala (Figure 6). Traditionally, Hindu temples are based on this mandala, or a variation thereof. As Kramrisch (1976, 6) explains: “Whenever a Hindu temple stands...it is built in principle on the same plan, the Vastupurusa mandala. Although this ritual diagram is neither the ground-plan of the temple nor necessarily the plan of the site, it regulates them.” Given that Indian Buddhism which was transmitted to Tibet developed out of Hinduism and shares many concepts with that religion it is not surprising to find correspondences. According to Kramrisch (1976, 67), in the Vastu- purusha Mandala “...the Supernal man, the Supreme Principle is beheld.” Kramrisch (1976, 73) further explains:
The ‘Brhat Samhita’ (LII.2-3) narrates: Once there was some existing
thing (sattva) not defined by name, unknown in its proper form it blocked heaven and earth; seeing that, the Devas (gods) seized it of a sudden and laid it on the earth face downwards. In the same position as they were when they seized it, the Devas stayed on it where it lay. Brahma made it full of gods and called it Vastupurusa....
Figure 6. Vastupurusha mandala. Drawing by the author.
In both the Tibetan srin mo myth and the Hindu Vastupurusha, therefore, we find a magic square with an internal grid used to hold down and suppress a troublesome entity. In the srin mo myth, a stupa (symbol for the Buddha) is at the center of the mandala. In the Vastupurusha mandala, Brahma is at the center (“The centre, the place of the unconditioned Brahman, is represented by Brahma, the Regent of that place” (Kramrisch 1976, 89). Brahman refers to the Supreme Principle—“Beyond form and non-contingent, it is beyond description” (Kramrisch 1976, 67). The Buddha stupa at the center of Lake Otang and Brahma at the center of the purusha mandala both function in the same way—i.e., to confine and control or suppress, dark or chaotic forces.
Looking to the visible structure of the Jokhang temple, Alexander (2010, 211) explains, “The Jokhang’s plan is identical to the early Indian Buddhist monastery type known as vihara.” Both are square structures, with cells, or rooms surrounding an empty courtyard space. Figure 7 shows the center courtyard of the Jokhang temple.
Figure 7. View of the Jokhang temple center courtyard. Photo by author.
Alexander does not provide a rationale for the empty courtyard design. My belief is that the empty center might symbolize the Buddhist concept known as syabhava. Consider Figure 8. This thangka presents a mandala with Buddha at the center. The Buddha image is a meditative aid used to evoke the concept of Buddha mind, or emptiness, known as sūnyatā. Sūnyatā, referred to below as “the theory of emptiness,” is central to Buddhist doctrine. The 14th Dalai Lama (2005, 46–47) explains:
According to the theory of emptiness, any belief in an objective reality grounded in the assumption of intrinsic, independent existence is untenable. All things and events, whether material, mental, or
even abstract concepts like time, are devoid of objective, independent existence....Things and events are ‘empty’ in that they do not possess any immutable essence, intrinsic reality or absolute ‘being’ that affords independence.
Figure 8. Amitabha Buddha mandala. Author’s collection. Photo by author.
Applying this to the Jokhang temple, the empty courtyard can be interpreted as an allegorical representation of the sūnyatā concept.
The orientation of the Jokhang temple has cosmological significance. The main entrance to the temple faces west. Traditionally this is explained as memorializing that the home of Princess Bhṛkutī—patron of the temple, was to the west, in Nepal (Dorje 1999, 78).
Figure 9 shows how the temple is oriented relative to the cardinal directions. In Hindu and Buddhist cosmology the cardinal directions establish the four quarters of the cosmos. Chinese influence or at least Chinese interpretation is suggested by reference in The Mirror Illuminating the Royal Genealogy (Sørensen 1994, 260) that the orientation of the Jokhang corresponds to the gray tiger mountain in the east, turquoise- blue dragon to the south, red cock [phoenix] mountain to the west, and black tortoise mountain to the north (also see Mills 2007, 20). In Chinese cosmology dating back to the Han Dynasty, these mythical animals represent the cardinal directions (Schinz 1996,127).
Figure 9. Google Earth view showing shape and cardinal alignment of Jokhang temple. Satellite image date 6-18-2019. Annotation by author. Google Earth orientation for temple matches orientation provided by assessment of Sentinel-2B satellite photo, image date 1-22-2020, tile T46RCT with lat/long overlay, accessed through USGS EarthExplorer.
Continuing the geomantic assessment, The Clear Mirror (Sakyapa Sönam Gyaltsen 1996 [1368], 166) explains how the location for the Jokhang was determined by the toss of the princess’s ring. A slightly different version is related in the Mani Kabum (Trizin Tsering 2007 [12th century], vol. 1, 453) wherein the king tosses his own ring. In either case, the idea that the location for the temple might be determined by a random toss is reminiscent of Tibetan Mo divination. According to the Dunhuang manuscripts (Dotson 2007) during Imperial Tibetan times, important questions were often answered using Mo divination. Mo divination is similar to Chinese I Ching divination. By the time of the Chinese Tang Dynasty (AD 618–AD 907), the I Ching had been in existence for more than one thousand years and was central to geomantic or feng shui endeavors. In Mo divination, dice or other objects are tossed. The resulting outcome is presumed tied to a future event. In both Mo divination and the royal ring toss, outcomes are determined by unseen geomantic forces that guide the results.
In the srin mo story the reference to an earth-dagger positioned on each side of the temple layout is interesting. As I will discuss later, in Tibetan Buddhism a ritual dagger known as a phurba is often used to hold down demons. It is likely that the phurba has its origins in the analogous use of tent stakes used widely across the Tibetan plateau. Beer (1999, 245) explains that by driving a phurba into the ground “the head of the invisible ‘earth serpent’ below the ground is transfixed or pinned down.” Applied to the Jokhang, the four impaling phurbas are another geomantic method used to subdue the srin mo demon.
Likewise, the findings of Heather Stoddard (2010; also see Richardson 1998, 198, 235) suggest geomantic magic. Stoddard identified nine carved stones situated at different locations within the Jokhang that she proposes are geomantic devices as prescribed by the Chinese princess. Several of the stones are embedded in the temple’s walls, others are on pedestals. The stones are carved in the images of a conch, garuda, lion, stupa, and others. As Stoddard (2010, 175) explains: “...in the case of these modest stone symbols, especially the four main ones that are embedded in the structure, they are directed against entities in the immediate neighborhood of the Lhasa Valley.”
In addition to the design of the Jokhang there are large scale topographic relationships that reveal geomantic considerations. Feng shui manuals explain that the ideal location for a palace, temple or house is “typically a flat basin with protective hills in the background. A useful watercourse such as a river, stream, or lake is situated in front” (Yoon 2006, 217). Further, as explained by Xu (1990, 51), “mountains are referred to as dragons.”4 Mountain ridges are called ‘dragon veins’ (Feuchtwang 1974, 141). Qi (i.e., life force or energy metaphorically equivalent to blood) moves along dragon veins (He and Luo 2000, 218; Feuchtwang 1974, 141). Considered from that perspective, Figure 10 shows how the mountain ridges north of the Jokhang temple can be interpreted as dragon veins directing qi toward the temple.
Figure 10. Google Earth view of mountains north of Jokhang temple. Mountain ridge dragon veins direct qi toward the temple. The Lhasa River is due south of the temple. Satellite image date 6-18-2019. Annotation by author.
As per feng shui recommendations (e.g., Xu 1990, 34), the Jokhang temple is situated in a flat basin, or Valley. Prior to being filled-in, the area was a marshy plain subject to flooding. A remnant of the original landscape can still be seen north of the Potala, where the marshland is preserved as a protected area.
Cutting through the area just south of the Jokhang temple is the Lhasa River. The meandering nature of the river is apparent as it cuts back and forth across the Valley from east to west. In feng shui belief, a meandering river allows the qi of the river to be dissipated gently and gradually from its curves (Xu 1990, 64). In summary therefore, Xu (1990, 31) comments: “A favorable feng-shui site should be enfolded by surrounding hills (Yin) and a meandering river is passing through (Yang).” This ideal configuration allows mountain and river qi to accumulate at a particular location. Qi will be strongest at this location. This ideal location is known as the ‘dragon’s lair’, hsueh (alt. xue) (Skinner 2006, 40; Xu 1990, 70). Notably, the location of the Jokhang temple conforms to the preferred feng shui situation just described and is situated in a dragon’s lair. Indeed, the location for the Jokhang temple precisely matches the ideal situationdescribed, for example, in the Han dynasty text, Archetypal Burial Classic of Qing Wu (trans. Paton 2013, 119): “With three ridges the qi is made whole and the configurational forces converge from all directions. If the front is screened [by water] and the back is embracing [by mountains], all the auspices will arrive in their entirety.”
Although there are no Yarlung dynasty texts that reference the feng shui recommendations in the precise form just given, it is interesting to note the temple- building instructions given by Thubten Legshay Gyatsho (1979, 29):
One should seek out a place for building a temple in places that have the following: a tall mountain behind and many hills in front, two rivers converging in front from the right and left, a central Valley of rocks and meadows resembling heaps of grain....The four Guardians are (the four great animals): in the east a whitish path or rock is the tiger....By the river of the southern direction there must be verdue, which is the turquoise- dragon,.,,Red earth or rock in the west is the bird....A bearded rock in the north is the tortoise....If these four protectors are all present, the land is perfectly endowed.
Thubten Legshay Gyatsho (1920–2007) was the abbot for the Tashi Rabten Ling temple in Lumbini, Nepal, and secretary general for the Council for Religious and Cultural Offices of the Tibetan government in exile.
Tradruk Temple (Wylie: khra-’brug dgon-pa, “Thundering Falcon Temple”) (29o 11’ 37.5” x 91o 46’ 20.3” E)
Located in the Yarlung Valley, traditional sources claim the Tradruk temple (Figure 11) was built during the reign of Songtsen Gampo and further, the temple was one of the emperor’s twelve demon suppressing temples—intended to pin down the left shoulder of the srin mo (Sakyapa Sönam Gyaltsen 1996 [1368], 175) (but see Tucci 1950, 71).
Figure 11. View of the Tradruk temple. Photo by Alf, licensed used, Getty Images # 879112154.
Relevant to what follows is that Tradruk is located about eight kilometers south of the confluence of the Yarlung Tsangpo and Yarlung rivers. Every year, around late summer and early autumn, the Yarlung Tsangpo floods as a result of monsoon rains (Wang Lei 2019). In some years the flooding is catastrophic. Mega-floods occur when glacial lakes erode through their surrounding moraines thereby unleashing additional water into the river. Other times, landslides block the river causing upstream flooding. One such event occurred in October 2018 in Manling County, downstream from Tsetang, which is at the Yarlung Tsangpo and Yarlung river confluence. The result was a barrier lake with a rise in water level of 59 meters (Daqiong and Jia 2018). More than 6,000 people had to be evacuated from the area. At Tsetang and in the Yarlung Valley, the situation can be exacerbated by melting glacier ice and snow around Mount Shampo which supplies the tributary Yarlung River.
Over the centuries Tradruk has undergone multiple renovations and expansions (Henss 2014, vol. 1, 479). These expansions, however, build-on and expand outward from the original, square-shaped Assembly Hall (Dukhang) and the three shrines immediately to the east (Henss 2014, vol.1, 328 and Figure 481).5
The orientation of Tradruk is unique. Tradruk is often shown oriented to the cardinal directions (e.g., Henss 2014, vol.1, Figure 481). That is not accurate, however. Rather, the minor axis of the structure extends along an azimuth of ca. 349 degrees, with its northeast to southwest diagonal extending along an azimuth of 214 degrees (see Figure 13). My belief is that this peculiar orientation was intended to subdue a dangerous naga. To better understand this interpretation we need to consider the temple’s foundation legend.
The foundation story for Tradruk (Sørensen and Hazod 2005, 11, 56-57, 249) is that while on a journey to the Yumbu Lakkhang palace in the Yarlung Valley, Emperor Gampo and Princess Kong jo were stopped by a flood that had formed at “the confluence of the Phyong-po and Yarlung rivers at mKhar-thog in Lower Yar, a mythic place which according to the founding legend can be identified with the abode of the local lake and flood monster” (Sørensen and Hazod 2005, 11). The emperor understood that the impediment to their journey was caused by a malevolent five-headed naga who lived in the lake. To subdue the naga and depending on which version of the story one prefers, either the emperor, or two of his priests (Sørensen and Hazod 2005, 249) proceeded to a cave on Mount Gonpo, meditated for several days and transformed into a great falcon (khra) or Garuda (Tib. khyung mkha’ lding) (Figure 12). The Garuda flew to the lake and when the naga emerged, the Garuda severed its heads. The lake then dried-up, allowing entrance into the Valley. Clearly it would not have been practical to situate a temple in the middle of a river confluence. As Sørensen and Hazod (2005, 253) explain, however, the “Kra-‘brug [Tradruk temple] and mKhra-‘brug relate mythologically to one and the same point.”
Figure 12. Garuda biting a naga held between its claws. Enameled cast bronze (15.3 cm x 20.3 cm.). Author’s collection. Photo by author.
Figure 13a. Google Earth view showing flight path from Mount Gonpo through the center of Tradruk to the mKhar-thog river confluence. Satellite image date 11-30-2014. Figure 13b. Close-up view of Mount Gonpo point of origin for flight path.
Figure 13c. Close-up view showing how flight path is coincident with the diagonal axis of Tradruk.
Figure 13d. Close-up view showing termination of flight path at mKhar-thong river confluence.
I believe the Tradruk temple not only commemorates the legendary event just noted but further, was (and still is) intended to maintain control over the naga (since demons are never completed obliterated and have a way of coming back). The notion that the location and orientation of Tradruk are directly related to the naga-suppressing story is supported by the observation that the projected flight path of the Garuda from Mount Gonpo to the river confluence passes directly through the center of the Tradruk temple (Figures 13a and 13b). Moreover, the flight path is coincident with the diagonal axis of Tradruk (Figure 13c). In other words, the diagonal axis and southwest corner of the temple point directly to the location where the naga emerged and presumably, might again remerge (Figure 13d). In this interpretation, the temple’s sharp corner pointing toward the naga’s genius loci is a geomantic device representing the attacking Garuda’s death-dealing beak and claws. In this, Tradruk is a demon suppressing temple.
Adding to the special location of the Tradruk temple is that, as pointed out by Reinhard Herdick (Sørensen and Hazod 2005, 267) when viewed from Tradruk, the summer solstice sun will set between two peaks on Mount Shelbrag. My own calculations confirm that finding (sunset az = 293o ± 1o, where horizon altitude = 7o). Additionally, assessment of Google Earth imagery reveals that the minor axis of Tradruk points to the confluence of the Yarlung Tsangpo and Yarlung rivers, eight kilometers to the north. Multiple sightlines therefore triangulate and in a sense, reveal the ideal location for Tradruk.
Interestingly, there is a statue of Manjushri in the main chapel of the temple. Manjushri (Figure 14) is a highly regarded bodhisattva famous for creating the Kathmandu Valley in Nepal. According to legend (Hem Raj Shakya 2004, xv), “During the Golden Age (Satya yuga), the Nepal Valley was a vast lake known as Kalihrada, an abode of serpents....” While on a visionary pilgrimage, crossing from China into Nepal, Manjushri came to Lake Kalihrada. Situated in the middle of the lake was a beautiful, thousand petal lotus blossom that emitted the luminous flame of enlightenment. Deciding to make the place habitable for humans, Manjushri raised his flaming sword and cut a gorge through a flanking mountain, allowing the lake to drain. The place where the lotus blossom came to rest is memorialized by the 5th century, Swayambhunath Stupa. Continuing with the legend, “After the waters of the Kalihrada were drained....a whirlpool was beginning to rise at the spot where the lotus seed had taken root. Fearing that it might once again fill the whole of the Valley basin with water, Master Mañjuvajra [Manjushri], holding a vajra in his hand, meditated on Hevajara and performed the act of blocking the flow of water” (Hem Raj Shakya 2004, 13). Given Manjushri’s ability to control water, it is not hard to imagine that people in the Yarlung Valley might hope for similar flood mitigating magic from their Manjushri image. Contributing to the association of Manjushri with flood waters is the manner in which the Manjushri statue came to Tradruk. The legend is that the self-originating statue swam downstream to the river confluence whereupon it was installed at Tradruk (Sørensen and Hazod 2005, 17, 64– 65). Sørensen and Hazod (2005, Figure 37) provide a photograph of the Manjushri statue at Tradruk. The Tradruk statue differs a bit from the one shown in Figure 14 in that the Tradruk figure shows the deity with upraised arms in a “swimming gesture” (Sørensen and Hazod 2005, Figure 37 caption).
Perhaps related is that the main entrance into the Tradruk temple faces west. Sørensen and Hazod (2005, 17) point out that this situates the entrance facing the Kathmandu Valley. Expanding on that observation and as noted above, the Kathmandu Valley was where Manjushri accomplished his renowned magical feats involving the defeat of the lake-dwelling nagas.
Figure 14. Cast bronze sculpture of Manjushri (21 cm. x 16 cm.). In one hand he holds the flaming sword that cuts through obstacles and ignorance. In his other hand he holds the lotus of enlightenment. Author’s collection. Photo by author.
Samye Monastery (Wylie: bSam-yas) (29o 39’ 10.9 N x 91o 07’ 55.3” E)
The Samye monastery (Figure 15) is located about 51 kilometers (32 mi) southeast of Lhasa.
Figure 15. View of the center temple at Samye monastery. Photo by Nathan Freitas, Wikimedia Commons (CC-BY 2.0).
The monastery was built ca. AD 779 during the reign of Trisong Detsen (Tib. Khri Srong lde btsan) based on the advice of Buddhist masters Shantarakshita and Guru Rinpoche. (Among Tibetans the Tantric master is called Guru Rinpoche, meaning “Precious The Mirror Illuminating the Royal Genealogies (Sørensen 1994, 374), the location for the Samye temple was determined by “geomantic” means by Guru Rinpoche. Master.” In India he is known as Padmasambhava, meaning “Lotus Born.”)
The design of Samye was modeled as a mandala of the Buddhist universe (Yeshe Tsogyal 1993, 71–74). Unlike the Jokhang with its empty center, however, this mandala has a multi-level structure at its center symbolizing Mount Meru (Figure 16). Mount Meru is believed by Hindus and Buddhists to be the axis mundi and center of the physical and spiritual universe. At Samye, four temple complexes, each containing three temples that represent continents in the ocean, surround the Mount Meru center temple. A wall encircling the complex represents the ring of mountains around this world. Gates through the perimeter wall represent the four directions—although as noted below, the site is not cardinally aligned.
Figure 16. Thangka showing oblique three-dimensional view of Mount Meru. Author’s collection. Photo by author.
Samye was the base of operations for Guru Rinpoche (Figure 17). The Tantric master came to Tibet from India at the invitation of Emperor Trisong Detsen. His first task was to subdue various indigenous demons of Tibet as the demons were interfering with acceptance of the new Buddhist religion and causing problems with temple construction. At Samye, Rinpoche subdued and “bound the wicked demons and creatures by oath” (Sørensen 1994, 374).
Figure 17. Statue of Guru Rinpoche. In his right hand he holds a vajra (Tib. dorje) symbol of Vajrayana Buddhism and in Hindu mythology used by Indra to destroy demons. He holds the vajra in the Karana mudra, a hand gesture for warding off evil. In his left-hand Rinpoche holds a skull cup containing Amrita, the elixir of immortality. On his left side Rinpoche has a katvanga scepter with trishul (trident) at its end. In Hindu mythology the trishul was used by Shiva to destroy demons. Gold gild over copper (20 cm. x 15 cm.), author’s collection. Photo by author.
Over the years Samye has been damaged by earthquakes, fire, and civil war. As a result it has been rebuilt and restored (Dorje 1999, 173). Presumably the current footprint follows the original mandala design in terms of orientation. That said and as Figure 18a shows, the site is skewed by about 8o clockwise from the cardinal directions. As Figure 18b shows, the northwest to southeast diagonal of the square-shaped center temple extends along an azimuth of 142.7o ± 1o. Conversely, the reciprocal diagonal extends along an azimuth of 322.7o ± 1o. The ± 1o range reflects limitations to the accuracy of measurements mainly due in this case to parallax but also image resolution as related to where the Google Earth measurement line locks on to.6 Unfortunately I have no ground-truthed survey data for the temple and little prospect of being allowed to conduct a proper GPS and total station survey.
Figure 18a. Google Earth image of Samye monastery. The complex is skewed clockwise from the cardinal directions by about 8 degrees.
Figure 18b. Detail of Google Earth image showing center temple. Yellow line shows diagonal axis with azimuth of 142.7o. Image date 7-17-2019. Annotation by author.
In any case, when the northwest to southeast diagonal of Samye is extended, it is found to intersect Mount Shampo—74.5 kilometers (46 mi) to the southeast (Figures 19a– 19c). Specifically, as plotted using the Google Earth measurement tool, the azimuth from Samye to Mount Shampo is 142.4o. Accordingly, the diagonal axis of Samye points to Mount Shampo to within three-tenths of one degree (142.7o – 142.4o = 0.3o).
Figures 19a + b. Google Earth images showing 142.4o azimuth plotted from Samye to Mount Shampo. Image date 12-14-2011. Annotation by author.
Figure 19c. Illustration showing how diagonal of a square can be interpreted as a directional arrow or phurba. Drawing by author.
The significance of this finding is that Mount Shampo is a manifestation of Yarlha Shampo—one of the “four great mountain gods” in pre-Buddhist and imperial Tibetan belief (Jisheng 2001, 343). Visually Mount Shampo is one of the most impressive mountains in the region; and it is the source of the Yarlung River which provides water for the fertile Yarlung Valley.
Tibetan mountain gods control weather phenomena; and as the result of melting snows on Mount Shampo, Yarlha Shampo had the power to cause floods—including in the Yarlung Valley and occasionally did so. Given that the Yarlung Valley was central to agricultural production for the Yarlung Dynasty it was necessary to ‘tame’ or subdue the deity. During the ensuing spiritual battle between Guru Rinpoche and Yarlha Shampo, the mountain deity “manifested himself as a white yak the size of a mountainside. With his nose steaming like assembled clouds, his roar like thunder, and his breath storming like a blizzard, he brought down lightning and hail” (Yeshe Tsogyal 1993, 63). After overcoming Yarlha Shampo, Rinpoche bound the deity by oath to be a protector of the Dharma (Gyalbo, Hazod, and Sørensen 2000, fn. 83).
Looking the other way, the southeast to northwest diagonal axis of the Samye temple is 322.7o ± 1o. This azimuth intersects Mount Nenchen Tanglha—149 kilometers (90 mi) to the northwest (Figures 20a and 20b). Like Mount Shampo, Mount Nyenchen Tanglha is identified as one of the four great mountain gods of pre-Buddhist and imperial Tibet (Jisheng 2001, 343). Known by the same name as the mountain, this mountain deity rides a flying white horse and brandishes a crystal sword (Jisheng 2001, 349).
Figure 20a + b. Google Earth images showing 322.7o azimuth plotted from Samye to Mount Nyenchen Thangla. Image date 12-30-2016. Annotation by author.
Figure 20c. Illustration showing how diagonal of a square can be interpreted as a directional arrow or phurba. Drawing by author.
And, like Yarlha Shampo, Nyenchen Tanglha was one of the indigenous gods subdued by Guru Rinpoche—apparently for good cause. The story is that in the year prior to Rinpoche’s arrival in Tibet, Yarlha Shampo caused a flood in the Yarstod area, while Nyenchen Tanglha caused a fire by lightning at Lhasa (Gyalbo, Hazod, and Sørensen 2000, fn. 83).
Sources say that the oath of allegiance that Nyenchen Tanglha was compelled to swear to protect Buddhism was administered at the Samye monastery (Nebesky-Wojkowitz 1956, 205)—thereby affirming a connection between the mountain god and monastery.
Indeed, the location of Samye with respect to Mount Shampo and Mount Nyenchen Tanglha could not have been better. It is one of the few locations that allows for reciprocal azimuths to simultaneously intersect two of the four indigenous mountain gods (Figures 21a–e).
In geomantic terms, the diagonal axis of the Samye temple can be thought-of as an arrow (e.g., feng shui “deadly arrow”—see Feuchtwang 1974, 91, 115), ritual phurba, or vajra aimed at Yarlha Shampo in one direction and Nenchen Tanglha in the other direction. All of these weapons were used by Tantric Buddhists to defeat demons. For ancient Tibetans the bow and arrow was an important weapon, for both ritual and mortal combat. There were many kinds of arrows used for different purposes including poison arrows as well as ‘spirit’ or magical arrows used against demons (Beer 1999, 270–272). Nebesky-Wojkowitz (1953, 510) describes a Tibetan New Year ceremony wherein the presiding Dharma master shoots magic arrows “to drive away the malevolent demons.” Likewise, Mumford (1989, 123-124) describes an annual “arrow-shooting festival called Da Gyab (mda’ rgyab)....which defeats the demonic forces for that year.” So too the tantric deity Kurukulla wields a bow and arrow and “shoots demons and negative energy with her magical arrows, which are covered in blood” (Müller-Ebeling, Rätsch and Bahadur 2002, 212).
In the early 1900s a visitor to Samye observed in one of the smaller temples, “a quiver named ‘rainbow’ with 7 notched arrows that belonged to the Great Teacher Padmasambhava. It has a golden seal that belonged to the Great Teacher Padmasambhava” (Martin 2014, 8). While it seems doubtful that these arrows survived since the time of Guru Rinpoche, it is interesting to note the attribution of arrows found at Samye to the Tantric master and of course, the discovery is consistent with the concept of the deadly arrow discussed above.
According to Müller-Ebeling, Rätsch and Bahadur (2000, 211) “The arrow is...one of the many forms of the phurba.” The phurba (Tib.) (or kīla in Skt.) (Figure 21a) is a three bladed weapon used in Tantric rituals. The phurba works by focusing energy that is directed at a demon or spiritual obstacle with the result of transfixing or destroying the demon or obstacle. Like the deadly arrow discussed above, the diagonal axis of Samye with its pointed corners can be thought of as a phurba.
Figure 21a. Three-bladed phurba (15.2 cm. brass and copper with silver accents). Figures 21b + c. Base stand for phurba (brass). Note the corresponding demons on the phurba stand and within the triangle shown in Figure 22.
Figure 21d. Phurba (20 cm. copper) in stand.
Figure 21e. Vajra weapon (13 cm. brass). Author’s collection. Photos by author, not to scale.
Described in the Hindu Vedas (Cantwell and Mayer 2008, 19, 22) and Dunhuang manuscripts (Cantwell and Mayer 2008, 36), the phurba is one of the weapons wielded by Vajrakīlaya (Tib. rDo rje phur pa)—patron deity of the Nyingma sect founded by Guru Rinpoche (Figure 23). Indeed Guru Rinpoche used the phurba to subdue the demons at Samye. The Tibetan chronicle rGyal-rabs gsal-ba’ i ma-long explains: “Thereupon the Teacher bound the wicked demons and creatures by oath which [thus] eliminated all destructive impediments [threatening the prospective edifice]....[whereafter Padmasambhava performed the ritual of] planting the [kīla-]dagger into the ground, whereby the soil was blessed” (Sørensen 1994, 374–375, brackets by Sørensen).
Murals showing the phurba being used by Guru Rinpoche at Samye are illustrated by Dunham (2004, 26, 29). The murals are not contemporaneous with Rinpoche. They are, however, illustrative of the founding legend and show that in traditional belief, the temple was consecrated by means of demon suppressing rituals using the phurba (also see Beer 1999, 246). Figure 22 shows a detail from one of the murals. Here, Rinpoche is subduing a demon (dgra) using a phurba. The dgra is the indigenous demon occupying the locale where the temple is to be built. The representation of the demon as bound indicates that the entity has been bound by oath to be a protector of the Dharma. The triangle form surrounding the demon is known as a ling ga (Tucci 1970, fig. 15c, 174–175). The same demon-defeating concept is represented in Figure 21d showing a ling ga used as a stand for a phurba which has penetrated the demon’s torso.
Figure 22. Detail of wall mural at Samye showing Guru Rinpoche consecrating the ground for temple construction. Rinpoche is subduing the demon using a phurba. From Dunham 2004, 26. Used with permission.
Figure 23. Tantric deity Vajrakīlaya (demon defeater) known for the ability to remove obstacles. He holds a phurba and two vajras in his right hands. Thangka by Gönpo Tseten Rinpoche. From http://www.rigpawiki.org/index.php?title=Vajrakilaya, Creative Commons license.
Another ritual weapon used by Rinpoche (and the Tantric deity Vajrakīlaya) was the vajra (meaning thunderbolt or diamond in Skt.). In the Hindu Rigveda the vajra was used by the Indra to slay the serpent Vrita. According to legend, the prongs on either end of the weapon were originally open. They were closed by Buddha as a symbol of peace. Either way—as an open prong stabbing weapon, or closed blunt force implement, the vajra is a powerful weapon. Concerning his use of the vajra at Samye, Guru Rinpoche reportedly said: “With my blessings, I purified the ground upon which the monastery was to be built...I coerced the gods and evil spirits of the place into obedience with the dancing motion of the Vajra” (Dowman 1973, 86).
Like the feng shui arrow and phurba, the diagonal axis of Samye can be interpreted as a vajra. In this interpretation the two ends of the vajra correspond to the opposing corners of the temple’s diagonal axis (Figure 24a).
Reinforcing the notion that the diagonal axis of the Samye temple represents a vajra or phurba are four large chortens situated around the center temple. The square formed by the chortens is oriented in the same direction as the temple. Thus the chortens provide a redundant demon suppressing function in their horizontal layout as well as vertical suppression devices as phurbas stabbed into the ground.
Figure 24a. Google Earth view showing how Mount Nyenchen Thangla, Samye, and Mount Shampo are in direct line with each other. Annotation by author.
Figure 24b. Close-up view showing how line drawn between Mount Nyenchen Thangla and Mount Shampo intersects Samye. Annotation by author.
Figure 24c. Figure showing how the diagonal of Samye with its two sharp ends can be interpreted as a vajra. Annotation by author.
Given the above, I believe the orientation of Samye can be interpreted as a geomantic technique intended to pin down or suppress the mountain deities, Nyenchen Tanglha and Yarlha Shampo. In this manner, Samye controls two out of four of Tibet’s most sacred and most dangerous mountain deities. In this, Samye is a powerful addition to Tibet’s demon suppressing web.
Discussion
Comparing the orientations of Jokhang and Samye it is instructive to note that while the Jokhang is precisely oriented to the cardinal directions, Samye is skewed from those directions by about 8o. This is a significant deviation. For the Jokhang, I suspect that the gnomon shadow method was used to establish true north. The method was already known for more than one thousand years in India (Yano 1986) and China (Li 2014). Since Samye was built after the Jokhang, we can infer that Samye could have been more precisely oriented to the cardinal directions if so desired. As suggested I believe the intentional skew of Samye was intended to align the diagonal axis of the site to the two mountains identified.
Given the distances involved, however, a question that arises is how the posited Samye alignments might have been accomplished. We have no direct information in that regard. What is known, however, is that, as early as 200 BC, the Chinese were building very long roads, straight across difficult terrain (Pankenier 2020, 224). Moreover, Needham (1959, vol. 3, 571) documents Chinese use of sighting-tubes (Chi. wang thung) and survey range or sighting poles as early as the Han Dynasty.
If I might speculate then: using a simple tripod-mounted sighting tube in combination with a vertical range pole, a survey line could have been established between Samye and the two mountains using less than two hundred intermediary survey stations in each direction. In fact, by establishing survey stations on intervening ridges, even fewer stations would likely have been needed. To begin with, the surveyor would establish his point of beginning as station 1 or S1 in the area of the future temple. The tripod-mounted sighting tube would be placed at S1. Looking through the tube, the surveyor would direct a rodman to walk in the direction of the mountain, to the furthest point wherein the rod is visible through the tube. At this point—say several hundred meters distant, the rodman marks the foresight location. This will be S2. A straight line, S1– S2, extending in the approximate direction of the mountain has now been established.
Leaving a marker at S1 the surveyor next moves to S2. From S2 the surveyor backsights to S1. Keeping the sighting tube immobile and aimed at S1 the surveyor next sights through the tube in the opposite direction, to a new position that will be S3. The rodman will be several hundred yards distant and the surveyor will direct the rodman right or left until the range pole is centered in the sighting tube. If the procedure is properly carried out then S1, S2, and S3 will be in a straight line. The same procedure is repeated as many times as needed until the line between S1 and the Sn target mountain is completed. By placing flags or other markers along the line, the line can be adjusted laterally as needed until it intersects both the point of beginning and target appropriately.
The problems involved in designing a square having a diagonal that points to a specific mountain are not difficult. Depending on the distance, a bit of leg work is involved; but certainly the operation is doable even across many kilometers. Moreover, the method I just outline is not the only way of laying out a straight line across long distances. Lewis (2001, 217–246) has suggested several alternative methods. In any case, if the technology needed to establish true north and long survey lines was known to the ancient Chinese and Indians then it was also likely known to the Tibetans given the many centuries of cultural exchange between the cultures. What makes the Samye situation of special geomantic interest is how the location of the temple appears to have been selected to accommodate double demon-suppressing alignments.
With regard to the horizontal demon suppressing technique discussed, it is useful to point out that this magical technique has been employed throughout Asia for millennia. Mills (2007, 22) reminds us of a dramatic example dating to the Tang dynasty. The Leshan sculpture is a 71-meter tall statue of the Maitreya (future) Buddha carved out of a sheer rock cliff. The sculpture was begun in AD 713, roughly 65 years after Songtsen Gampo’s death. The statue is situated at the confluence of the Minjiang and Yuexi rivers in Sichuan province, China. Many people are said to have perished in the turbulent waters of the river confluence. An inscription at the site made upon completion of the work explains that the intent of the sculpture was to drive “the monsters away from the deep water” (translation by PRC, quoted by Mills 2007, 23). The Buddha faces the river.
Concluding remarks
In this paper, previously unreported geomantic and magical practices involving the design and siting of three Imperial dynasty structures were identified. For the Jokhang temple it was suggested that the foundation grid underlying the temple was intended to suppress the srin mo demon at that location. Also identified for the Jokhang were landscape relationships corresponding to feng shui practices intended to maximize the positive influence of qi. For the Tradruk temple it was shown how the location and orientation of that structure memorialize the defeat of a malevolent naga by the legendary Garuda. For Samye, it was shown how the off-cardinal orientation of the central temple can be accounted for by alignment to two sacred mountains that were the dwelling places of indigenous yul lhar spirits. These mountain deities were the cause of multiple calamities. According to the interpretation offered, the mountain deities were subdued using magical arrows, ritual phurbas, and vajra weapons. These penetrating weapons are symbolized by the diagonal axis of Samye which points rather precisely to the very heart of the troublesome spirits in their manifestations as special mountains.
Given the foregoing it is likely that future research will find many, or even most, Tibetan temples and monasteries geomantically situated relative to the landscape. Much work needs to be done.
Notes
- Regarding the Mani Kabum, Kapstein (1992, 80) explains that: “This entire mass of textual material—usually assembled in two volumes containing about 700 folia in all— was discovered as gter-ma by some three discoverers of spiritual treasure (gter-ston) over a period lasting approximately one century, beginning, it appears, in the middle of the XIIth” (also see Sørensen 2000, 147)
- 2. There is some controversy concerning the age of the princess when she was sent to Tibet, who she was intended to marry, and even the extent of her role in helping to establish the Jokhang temple (see e.g., Dotson 2009, 22; Yamaguchi 1970).
- 3. The book translated by Sørensen (1994) titled, The Mirror Illuminating the Royal Genealogies: An Annotated Translation of the XIVth Century Tibetan Chronicle: rGyal- rabs gsal-ba’I me-long was compiled by Sakya Buddhist Master Sonam Gyaltsen in 1368. The document provides accounts concerning the origins of the Tibetan people, background material on early kings, documents the arrival of Buddhism into Tibet, and relates the history of important shrines. Taylor and Yuthok (1996) also published a translation of the same chronicle.
4. The term “dragon” is ubiquitous in feng shui literature. As Feuchtwang (1974, 141) explains, “The most basic form in a geomantic situation is what every feng-shui manual is called the dragon. It is what all topographical formations resemble. The dragon appears in many ways to the Chinese and has very many meanings even within feng- shui.” In other words, the dragon is a metaphor or image used to help visualize landforms or phenomena. Thus there are mountain dragons, river dragons, Valley dragons, cloud dragons, and others. 41
5. I would not get too caught-up with the question of whether or not the restored structures of Tradruk and Samye are true to their original orientations. It seems likely that the restorations followed the original orientations, However, for the purposes of the discussion here, the issue is not critical. The salient point is that whoever built these structures—whether earlier or later, arguably oriented them with respect to the geomantic concepts noted.
6. It is not possible to quantify the accuracy of ‘heading’ information generated by the Google Earth ruler, especially in this region of the world. There are multiple reasons for this. First, the Google Earth program attempts to overlay and merge flat satellite photos onto a spherical earth model. However, there is no perfect fit. As a result, heading data can vary from true due to issues associated with map projection, as well as georeferencing, orthorectification, image resolution, parallax, and even the zoom factor being used. A sense of the accuracy of the Google Earth heading measurement for a particular project, however, can be gauged by calculating the azimuth between locations using latitude and longitude. My preference in this regard is for the online program at: http://www.ga.gov.au/geodesy/datums/vincenty_inverse.jsp. For the present case the following latitude and longitude coordinates are used: Samye = 29.326528 N x 91.502444 E; Mt. Shampo = 28.800667 N x 91.964472 E; Mt. Nyenchen Thangla = 30.3888889 N x 90.5594444. Using the above referenced inverse Vincenty formula, the calculated Samye to Mt. Shampo azimuth is 142.2o. The Samye to Mt. Nyenchen Thangla azimuth is 322.5 o. Notably, the calculated azimuth from Samye to Mt. Shampo is the same as indicated using the Google Earth measurement tool. The longer, calculated azimuth from Samye to Mt. Nyenchen Thangla agrees with the Google Earth measurement to within three-tenths of one degree.
Acknowledgements
Special thanks to Mikel Dunham for permission to reproduce his excellent photograph of the Samye temple mural. For useful comments and discussions my sincere thanks to Per K. Sørensen, Georg Zotti, and Guntram Hazod. I am solely responsible for any errors. May all living beings be happy.
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Dalai Lama (14th). 2005. The Universe in a Single Atom: The Convergence of Science and Spirituality. New York, NY: Harmony Books.
Daqiong and Cui Jia. 2018. Residents Moved as Landslide Plugs River. China Daily for October 19, 2018. Online at http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/a/201810/19/WS5bc928e8a310eff30328344e.html Accessed August 18, 2019.
Doney, Lewis J.A. 2011. Transforming Tibetan Kingship: The Portrayal of Khri Srong lde brtsan in the Early Buddhist Histories. Ph.D. dissertation, University of London, Department of the Study of Religions, School of Oriental and African Studies.
Dorje, Gyurme. 1999. Tibet Handbook with Bhutan. (2nd edition). Bath, England: Footprint Handbooks.
Dorje, Gyurme. 2010. “Introduction.” In Jokhang: Tibet’s Most Sacred Buddhist Temple, authors Gyurme Dorje, Tashi Tsering, Heather Stoddard, and André Alexander, 3–29. London: Thames & Hudson.
Dotson, Brandon. 2007. “Divination and Law in the Tibetan Empire: The Role of Dice in the Legislation of Loans, Interest, Martial Law and Troop Conscription.” In Contributions to the Cultural History of Early Tibet, edited by M. Kapstein and B. Dotson, 3–77. Leiden: Brill.
Dotson, Brandon. 2009. The Old Tibetan Annals: An Annotated Translation of Tibet’s First History, With an Annotated Cartographic Documentation by Guntram Hazod. Wein: Velag der Österreichischen Akademie De Wissenschaften.
Dowman, Keith. 1973. The Legend of the Great Stupa and The Life Story of the Lotus Born Guru. Berkeley: Dharma Publishing.
Dowman, Keith. 1988. The Power-Places of Central Tibet: The Pilgrim’s Guide. New York, NY: Routledge & Kegan Paul.
Dunham, Mikel. 2004. Samye. A Pilgrimage to the Birthplace of Tibetan Buddhism. San Diego, Jodere Group.
Farkas, János and Tibor Szabó. 2002. The Pictoral World of the Tibeto-Mongolian Demons. Budapest: Mandala + Libro Trade.
Feuchtwang, Stephan D.R. 1974. An Anthropological Analysis of Chinese
Geomancy. Vientiane, Laos: Vithagna.
Google Earth Pro. ver. 7.3.2.5776, 2019 [online]. https://google.com/earth/desktop/
Gyalbo, Tsering, Guntram Hazod, and Per K. Sørensen. 2000. Civilization at the Foot of Mount Sham-po: The Royal House of lHa Bug-pa-can and the History of g.Ya’-bzang. Wein: Velag der Österreichischen Akademie De Wissenschaften
He, Xiaoxin, and Jun Luo. 2000. “Fengshui and the Environment of Southeast China.” Worldviews, 4: 213–234.
Hem Raj Shakya. 2004. (translated by Min Bahadur Shakya) Svayambhū Mahācaitya: The Self-Arisen Great Caitya of Nepal. Kathmandu: Svayambhu Vikash Mandal.
Henss, Michael. 2014. The Cultural Monuments of Tibet. (2 vols.) Munich: Prestel.
Kapstein, Matthew. 1992. “Remarks on the Maṇi bKa'-'bum and the Cult of Āvalokiteśvara in Tibet.” In Tibetan Buddhism: Reason and Revelation, edited by Steven D. Goodman and Ronald M. Davidson, 79–93. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.
Kramrisch, Stella. 1976. The Hindu Temple. Vol. 1. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers.
Lei, Wang. 2019. “Better the Living Conditions on the Roof of the World in Tibet.” China Plus 6-13-2019. Online at http://chinaplus.cri.cn/mychina/life/35/20190613/302381.html Accessed August 18, 2019.
Lewis, M.J.T. 2001. Surveying Instruments of Greece and Rome. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Li, Geng. 2014. “Gnomons in Ancient China.” In Handbook of Archaeoastronomy and Ethnoastronomy, edited by Clive Ruggles. New York: Springer.
Major, John S. 1993. Heaven and Earth in Early Han Thought. Chapters Three, Four and Five of the Huainanzi. Albany: State University of New York Press.
Mills, Martin A. 2007. “Re-Assessing the Supine Demoness: Royal Buddhist Geomancy in the Srong btsan po Mythology.” Journal of the International Association of Tibetan Studies 3: 1–47.
Jisheng, Xie. 2001. “The Mythology of Tibetan Mountain Gods: An Overview.” OralTradition 16(2): 343–363
Mills, Martin A. 2016. “Collection Highlight: The Demoness of Tibet.” Online at:
https://rubinmuseum.org/blog/demoness-of-tibet-legend-painting-architecture
Accessed August 14, 2019.
Müller-Ebeling, Claudia, Christian Rätsch and Surendra Bahadur Shahi. 2000. Shamanism and Tantra in the Himalayas. (translated by Annabel Lee) Rochester, VT: Inner Traditions.
Mumford, Stan Royal. 1989. Himalayan Dialogue: Tibetan Lamas and Gurung Shamans in Nepal. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.
Needham, Joseph (with the collaboration of Wang Ling). 1959. Science and Civilization in China. Volume 3. Mathematics and the Sciences of the Heavens and the Earth. London: Cambridge University Press.
Nebesky-Wojkowitz, René de. 1956. Oracles and Demons of Tibet: The Cult and Iconography of the Tibetan Protective Deities. The Hague, Netherlands: Mouton.
Pankenier, David W. 2013. Astrology and Cosmology in Early China: Conforming Earth to Heaven. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
Pankenier, David W. 2020. “A Brief Account of Three Millennia of Chinese Preoccupation with the Skyscape.” In Visualizing Skyscapes: Material Forms of Cultural Engagement with the Heavens, edited by Liz Henty & David Brown, 216–225. London: Routledge.
Paton, Michael John. 2013. Five Classics of Fengshui: Chinese Spiritual Geography in Historical and Environmental Perspective. Leiden: Brill.
Pennick, Nigel. 1979. The Ancient Science of Geomancy: Living in Harmony with the Earth. Sebastopol, CA: CRSC Publications.
Pommaret, Françoise. 2004. “Yul and Yul lha: the Territory and Its Deity in Bhutan.” Bulletin of Tibetology 40(1): 39–67
Pulighe, G., V. Baiocchi, and F. Lupia. 2015. “Horizontal Accuracy Assessment of Very High Resolution Google Earth Images in the City of Rome, Italy.” International Journal of Digital Earth 9(4): 342–362.
Richardson, Hugh E. 1963. “Early Burial Grounds in Tibet and Tibetan Decorative Art of the VIIIth and IXth Centuries.” Central Asiatic Journal 8(2): 73–92.
Romain, William F. 2017. “The Archaeoastronomy and Feng Shui of Xanadu: Kublai Khan’s Imperial Mongolian Capital.” Time and Mind: The Journal of Archaeology, Consciousness and Culture 10(2): 145–174.
Romain, William F. 2018. “Solstice Alignments at Angkor Wat and Nearby Temples: Connecting to the Cycles of Time.” Journal of Skyscape Archaeology 4(2): 176–200.
Romain, William F. 2019. “Lunar Alignments at Ur: Entanglements with the Moon God Nanna.” Journal of Skyscape Archaeology 5(2): 151–176.
Sakyapa Sönam Gyaltsen. 1996 [1368]. The Clear Mirror: A Traditional Account of Tibet’s Golden Age. (Translated by McComas Taylor and Lama Choedak Yuthok.) Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion.
Schinz, Alfred. 1996. The Magic Square. Cities in Ancient China. Stuttgart: Edition Axel Menges.
Skinner, Stephen. 2006. Feng Shui: The Living Earth Manual. Singapore: Tuttle Publishing.
Skinner, Stephen. 2017. Techniques of Graeco-Egyptian Magic. Singapore: Golden Hoard Press.
Sørensen, Per Kjeld. 1994. Tibetan Buddhist Historiography. The Mirror Illuminating the Royal Genealogies. An Annotated Translation of the XIV Century Tibetan Chronicle rGyal-rabs gsal-ba’I me-long. Weisbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag.
Sørensen, Per Kjeld. 2000. “The bKa’ chems mTho[n] mthing ma.” In Civilization at the Foot of Mount Sham-po: The Royal House of lHa Bug-pa-can and the History of g.Ya’bzang, edited by Tsering Gyalbo, Guntram Hazod, and Per K. Sørensen, 147–166. Wein: Velag der Österreichischen Akademie De Wissenschaften.
Sørensen, Per Kjeld, and Guntram Hazod (in cooperation with Tsering Gyalbo). 2005.
Thundering Falcon: An Inquiry into the History and Cult of Kra- ‘brug Tibet’s First Buddhist Temple. Wein: Velag der Österreichischen Akademie De Wissenschaften.
Stein, R. A. 1972. Tibetan Civilization. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
Stoddard, Heather. 2010. “The Geomantic Stones of the Jokhang.” In Jokhang: Tibet’s Most Sacred Buddhist Temple, authors Gyurme Dorje, Tashi Tsering, Heather Stoddard, and André Alexander, 160–177. London: Thames & Hudson.
Swetz, Frank J. 2002. Legacy of the Luoshu. The 4,000 Year Search for the Meaning of the Magic Square of Order Three. Chicago: Open Court.
Tatz, M. 1978. “T'ang Dynasty Influences on the Early Spread of Buddhism in Tibet.” The Tibet Journal 3(2): 3–32. http://www.jstor.org/stable/43299899
Taylor, McComas, and Lama Choedak Yuthok Gyaltsen (translators). 1996. The Clear Mirror: A Traditional Account of Tibet’s Golden Age. Sakyapa
Sonam Gyaltsen’s Clear Mirror on Royal Genealogy, Snow Lion Publications, Ithaca, NY. (Originally text by Sakyapa Sonam Gyaltsen in 1368.)
Thubten Legshay Gyatsho. 1979. (translated by David Paul Jackson) Gateway to the Temple: Manual of Tibetan Monastic Customs, Art, Building and Celebrations. Kathmandu: Ratna Pustak Bhandar.
Trizin Tsering, Rinpoche (translator). 2007. Mani Kabum: Prophecies and Teachings of Great Compassion (2 vols.). Singapore: Evergreen Buddhist Culture Service.
Tucci, Giuseppe. 1970. The Religions of Tibet (translated from the German and Italian by Geoffrey Samuel). Berkeley: University of California Press.
Xu, Ping. 1990. Feng-shui: A Model for Landscape Analysis. Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass
Yamaguchi, Zuihō. 1970. “Matrimonial Relationship Between the T’u-Fan and the Tang Dynasties (Part 1).” Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko 27: 141– 166.
Yano, Michio. 1986. “Knowledge of Astronomy in Sanskrit Texts of Architecture.” Indo- Iranian Journal 29: 17–29.
Yeshe De Project. 1986. Ancient Tibet: Research Materials from the Yeshe De Project. Berkeley, CA: Dharma Publishing.
Yeshe Tsogyal. 1993 (revealed in 12th century). The Lotus Born. The Life Story of Padmasambhava. Composed by Yeshe Tsogyal. Revealed by Nyang Ral Nyima Öser. (translated by Erik Pema Kunsang, edited by Marcia Binder Schmidt) Boston: Shambala.
Yoon, Hong-Key. 2006. The Culture of Fengshui in Korea: An Exploration of East Asian Geomancy. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books.
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